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 18 19  

 

    

Vol. 7, No. 19, July 2011

Table of Contents:

To Our Readers

Bulgaria and the Missile Defense Shield - Realities and Opportunities
Iliya Nalbantov

Libya – a Local Problem Solved on an International Level
Diliana Evtimova

 Events


 To Our Readers

This is the 19th issue of the Security Focus and Security Sector Watch Newsletter. It opens the Bulgarian discussion for missile defense shield building and the political and geostrategic aspects of the theme. Additionally, we are also continuing our initiative with young authors invitation for giving their opinion on live questions from the security area. The current issue is hosting the Students' Club of Political Sciences at the Sofia University 'Kliment Ohridski' and the Libya crisis problem. As usual we have also noted some events related to the security sector governance. We believe that in this way a  better understanding for the security sector transformation and governance in its wider context will be achieved.

From the publishers


 Bulgaria and the Missile Defense Shield - Realities and Opportunities

Iliya Nalbantov*

Each time when the missile defense theme is raised in the Bulgarian public space, its importance for Russia is inevitably marked in the media.

When discussing this topic, the vast majority of the Bulgarian population shares the view that Bulgaria has close historical relations to Russia and there is no need for challenging these relations with unnecessary actions.

The common Bulgarian public opinion about the missile defense of the Bering Strait, which is situated much closer to NATO, is considering this problem as business of those involved, but not something related to us. This difference in perception shows the emotional commitment of the Bulgarian society with anything problematic for Russia. Obviously, it will take time to overcome this perceptions formed under the systematic Russian ideological influence of more than a century.

This is a huge problem for the Bulgarian governments, which have limited opportunity to do what is good for Bulgaria and to keep the geopolitical balance of the big powers. Most vividly this was shown recently in relation to the potential deployment of radar systems on Botev peak, the Balkan Mountains.

Why Russia opposes so aggressively the deployment of missile defense components in Bulgaria, whilst officially announcing the building of independent air-space defense?

The answer to this question is associated with overcoming perceptions formed under the systematic impact of extreme ideological tools used by Russia to form internal models of political perception, directly serving the monolithic of the power authorities that is common for every big power.

Also, another factor is that any act diminishing the influence of Russia in the European area of warmer seas is perceived as a direct attack against the state.

In the past, Moscow has always been careful in providing power tools that can enhance the defense capabilities of smaller countries.

A good example for this is the building of a missile defense system in Bulgaria during its membership in the Warsaw Pact.

Bulgaria has never received the integrated components for Command & Control of Air Defense Weapon Systems separated between the Air and Land Forces.

This example clearly shows that in the past, Bulgaria has had a systemic problem of interaction between political factors and national analytical expertise involved in the shaping of the security and defense policy and mainly has been a ‘consumer’ not a ‘shaper’.

For sure, there will be a check-up in the near future whether this problem has been overcome since Bulgaria became a member of NATO and the EU. One potential check-up will be the way Bulgaria takes part in the building of the European missile defense.

Many roundtables and conferences conducted since 2001 prepared the public opinion for Bulgaria’s ultimate statement to commit to participation in this project. At the political level, this commitment was confirmed by the Bulgarian Parliament in 2011.

However, this higher form of political sanction meets resistance in its transformation into practical action. There is not ultimate evidence that the responsible executives take the necessary steps for Bulgaria to exploit the potential of anti-missile defense as a source of an added value for the technological development of the country.

In any case, the summit of NATO in 2012 will report the progress on this issue made by the member states and by NATO.

During the summit, the Bulgarian politicians responsible for the committed participation of Bulgaria in the collective system of defense and security should give definite confirmation that the country builds a systematic, expertise and technological potential in order to join the project.
Bulgaria should present compelling arguments that the country will not allow external, unilateral dependencies of the national defense capabilities in the use of this system and shared responsibility for collective defense and security.

In other words, the possibilities offered by the policy of the Alliance should become realities that serve directly the interests of the Bulgarian society and economic developments keeping at the same time a geopolitical regional balance.

 *Iliya Nalbantov is the Managing Board Chairman of the George C. Marshall Alumni Club and Program Director of George C. Marshall Association – Bulgaria.


 Libya – a Local Problem Solved on an International Level

Diliana Evtimova*

In year 1969, Muammar Gaddafi seized the power in Libya, establishing a kind of totalitarian regime known as Jamahiriya. After years under the absolute power of Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan people revolted on 15 February 2011 organizing great many demonstrations in different parts of the country. The rebellion swiftly developed into armed civil war dividing the country.

The Libyan uprising is not a fanatic idea relevant to jihad – it is a call for help. The citizens of Libya want to establish a different kind of public power built upon the basic principles of rule of law, mainly with the respect to human rights. The Libyan nation should become a sovereign of its own power. Thus, state compulsion will be avoided and converted into a legitimate authority which would legitimize the power of its holder to exert it upon the people.

In this crucial moment for the Libyan people the United Nations has provided a swift response to the will of the Libyan people with the very aim to protect them, even by means of armed intervention on the territory of their own country. Permitting foreign interference into internal state policy of one’s country sounds quite alarming, but this statement had to be marked as expired, while living in the era of globalization when every local problem find a resolution on an international level. Given this, the consequences of the Libyan crisis cannot be left to take their own course. The United Nations has its own adequate response to the complicated situation evolved in the boundaries of the Libyan country. The international organization is morally obliged to interfere. Therefore, its attempt to bear the responsibility to preserve national identity of the Libyan people and world peace is highly rightful and justified.

On 17 March 2011 a Resolution 1973 was adopted by the UN Security Council. The international organization voted to authorize military action in order to retrieve national peace, protecting Libyan citizens. The member states approved a no-fly zone over Libya, authorizing ‘all necessary measures’ to protect civilians. In conclusion, by a vote of 10 in favour to none against, several ideas were adopted.

At first, Security Council demanded on an immediate ceasefire in Libya in order to protect the revolt civilians, outnumbered by Gaddafi’s subordinates and mercenaries. This measure had been taken accordingly to the military situation in the country. As T. Hobbes ones said: “During the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that conditions called war; and such a war, as if of every man, against every man.” In this sense, the Security Council is trying to avoid the situation of violation of fundamental human rights of the rebelled nation.
Moreover, as a measure of precaution, the international organization imposed a no-fly zone in order to avoid further mass murders, which actually means a ban of all flights in the country’s airspace. A ban was imposed on all Libyan-designated flights. The arms embargo was strengthened, avoiding shipment to anyone in Libya.Prohibitions entered into force on 17 March 2011.

All of the precautions adopted are fully justified, but what is interesting is the actions that every single member state undertook after the meeting of the UN Security Council. Apparently, France was the country to take an active part in the intervention in Libya. Given this, the state’s secret political interests revealed. The problem must be seen from a geopolitical point of view since Libya is situated in the North Africa in a combination with country’s outlet on the Mediterranean Sea. France and actually the whole Europe is trying to strengthen its influence over the Mediterranean Basin. The strategy of Europe is to displace the ascendancy of USA over North Africa – the very aim is to achieve Europeanization in this region and to utilize France as a political leverage. But still, there is another point of view to this situation. Recently, the French President popularity ratings fall near record lows and the active humanitarian intervention in Libya is seen as a chance for Nicolas Sarkozy to restore the lost votes.

In sharp contrast to the policy of France is the USA approach to the Libyan conflict. After years spent in war in Iraq, spending 2.1 billion dollars per day, the state cannot afford to take an active part in the military action. Furthermore, the USA is trying to change its leadership policy since China has registered higher economic growth. Given this, the Federal Republic is trying to take the world lead in innovation, economy and education. In spite of this, the USA, as a country of a great power, cannot remain passive or abstain about this kind of issue.

Not surprisingly, the vote was not unanimous – five countries abstained (Russian Federation, Germany, China, Brazil and India). The abstentions are explained by countries’ deeply desire for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. But this statement reveals some hidden political caution. As to start with Germany, the state cannot indulge in military support in Libya because of the great number of constitutional limitations about country’s military defense, established after the Second World War. Russian Federation was one of the states which abstained in this conflict, but the country’s precautions are different from the other nations. Russia wants a resolution different from an Islamic one, given the wars in Chechnya. Furthermore, Russia has a priority in being in good terms with USA, ever since the Federation has been selling petrol in dollars. In this sense, a strong interference in this situation may be seen as attempt for challenging the leadership of the USA.

The countries involved in the conflict are trying to implement their own individual political interest. Yet, the current military intervention can be viewed as an act of humaneness rather than an act of individual interest. An organization like the United Nations, which main goals are directed towards preserving world peace, cannot remain passive about mass murders and crimes against humanity, present in Libya, only because of the extreme views of one person. Recognizing the urgent need to protect innocent civilian population, the humanitarian intervention of NATO under the approval by the United Nations can only be seen as an imminent act of justice.
 

 *Diliana Evtimova is the Vice President of Students’ Club of Political Science and a first year student of Political Sciences at the Sofia University 'St. Kliment Ohridski'.

 

 Events

 

 On June 17, 2011 at the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies, Garmish-Partenkichen, Germany the leaders of Southeast Europe (SEE) alumni associations and partners signed a charter that established a regional SEE alumni association. The first association to be the Chair will be Montenegro and the Vice Chair - Macedonia.